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Anniversaries, Going Brazilian, and Gratitude

Thirteen years ago today, I met Elaine.
I was on an eighteen-day cruise up the coast of Brazil with a transatlantic passage that would make port in Morocco, Portugal, and Italy.
It did not start well. My first dinner partner on the Costa Pacifica was named Diego. He was a recently graduated lawyer from Buenos Aires who spoke two words of English: “American Express.” As I spoke fewer words in Spanish than he did in English, we did not engage in the delightful shipboard banter I had hoped would accompany my cruise.
For the next two nights, I ate by myself at the pizza buffet. It was lonely, pathetic, and I realized that if I did not change my strategy, I would have a miserable three weeks. I went to the Maître D’ and asked to be seated at a new table where someone spoke English. He was not encouraging. There were few English speakers on board, and most were already sitting together. He could put me at a table with Brazilian lawyers who, while he did not know if they spoke English, might. Would that be okay? I said, “Please.”
I dressed carefully that evening and arrived at the dining room as it opened for the 8 p.m. seating. I was seated and welcomed by three empty chairs. Oh well, I thought, it is early. Five minutes passed, and the dining room began to fill. The seats opposite me remained empty. Ten minutes passed—the dining room was now half full. The chairs opposite me: still vacant. Fifteen minutes passed—the dining room was now full, and of course, the chairs at my table were unoccupied.
Feeling like a loser and resigned to loneliness, I ordered a double vodka martini and prepared myself for an evening of intensive olive therapy. Just as I was dipping my beak into my drink, two women, a redhead and a blonde, took the seats opposite me. They greeted me in Portuguese, then in English, and apologized for being late as they had been detained taking photographs. I was so relieved to be able to speak to someone that I was tongue-tied. They told me that shortly, we would be joined by the third member of their party, who was still having her photograph taken.
I managed to croak out only an “Oh” before the redhead said, “Here comes my sister,” and pointed to a woman making her way to the table. It might have been my imagination, but it seemed as if every spotlight in the restaurant was pointed at this glorious-looking woman with a gigawatt smile who, while making her way to our table, was shaking everyone’s hand as if she were the mayor of the ship.
I stood to greet her, and she introduced herself. The ringing in my ears was too loud, and I could not make out what she said. So, I said, “Pardon me?” And she said, “My name is Elaine.”
Nine months later, we were engaged. Sixteen months later, we were married.
In honor of the thirteenth anniversary of our meeting, it might be a good time to reflect and comment on what I have learned on this journey with Elaine.
First among the things I have learned is gratitude.
There are approximately 200 billion stars in the Milky Way Galaxy. Perhaps 6 billion have the potential for life. In the 13.6 billion years the galaxy existed, I happened to be alive at 0.00000053% of that time. Meeting Elaine on a boat where 0.000025% of Earth’s population happened to means that our meeting was extraordinarily unlikely by any statistic you could possibly imagine. Considering those odds, I am grateful to the universe and whatever higher power runs it for allowing us to meet and fall in love.
I am grateful that we live in a time when people from different continents can meet, fall in love, get married, and build a real life together on two continents. I am grateful she laughs at most of my jokes and that, despite being a cat person, she has fallen in love with our puppies.
She has taught me how to hold hands. I know—most of us learn how to do that at a much earlier age, and so did I. But I lost the habit as I grew older. Holding hands, I thought, was for teenagers and young love. But in Brazil, no matter your age or stage of decrepitude, you hold hands. We hold hands wherever we go, and I have come to understand that it is a symbol of our connection. It turns two into one and reminds me every day that, through thick or thin, we are in this together. To quote the bard of New Jersey, “We swore we’d travel, darlin’, side by side. We’d help each other stay in stride.”
She has also taught me to walk slowly. Brazilians walk far more slowly than us gringos. And when we walk together, holding hands, she reminds me in her soft Brazilian lilt to slow down. And when I do, I realize that my hurry was often for no reason at all. It was merely an excuse to check something off my to-do list faster. Slowing down, especially when I am here in Brazil and with her, allows me to take stock of the beauty around me and beside me. It gives me time to be grateful for where I am and whom I am with.
I am grateful for the perspective that Elaine provides. Unsurprisingly, we occasionally don’t see eye to eye on a subject. That is inevitable as we come from different countries and very different backgrounds. And my wife is an extremely smart, passionate woman who holds onto her well-thought-out opinions and feelings in the same way a miser might hold onto their wallet. Ninety-five percent of the time, we agree. I have been known to be stubborn in my beliefs as well. As a consequence, there are some subjects and issues on which we don’t agree and likely never will. Time and Elaine have taught me that embracing the fact that we have different opinions and allowing those differences to provide perspective, not dissonance, gives me a better understanding of an issue. It is a net positive—even if we cannot agree.
But above all, what I am most grateful for is Elaine. The miracle of our meeting gives me hope that, even when the world seems its darkest, dawn is not far off. Considering our world today, that is an awesome thing.
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The Brazilian Constitution, Mar-A-Lago and the Democracy of the Beach
Brazil’s democracy is among the youngest in the world.
After decades of a repressive dictatorship, supported in part by the U.S., Brazil adopted its current constitution in 1988. It did not hold its first presidential election until 1989. Despite its relatively young experiment in democracy, there are a number of things that the “Verde e Amarelo” (Green and Yellow) gets right—things from which the red, white, and blue could learn a thing or two.
The U.S. Constitution is a short, concise document with only seven articles and twenty-seven amendments. It focuses on broad principles and allows the courts to interpret the rest. The Brazilian Constitution, on the other hand, is lengthy and highly detailed, with over 250 articles covering not only government structures but also social policies, economic regulations, and environmental protections. Less interpretation is needed, as it is black-letter law. You may argue that the founders of Brazil’s constitution went overboard, but at least their courts aren’t constantly tied up with constitutional questions, with the Supreme Court making rulings based on who last loaded the bench.
Speaking of the Supremes, in the U.S., justices of the highest court receive lifetime appointments. So does Brazil—with one key difference: mandatory retirement at age 75. This would mean that, in our case, Clarence Thomas and Samuel Alito would need to retire, which would be beneficial—except for the current makeup of Congress and the occupant of the Oval Office.
Another judicial innovation in Brazil is its separate electoral court system. This body has absolute authority over all election issues. It consists of seven Supreme Court justices, two justices from the Superior Court of Justice, and two presidentially appointed justices. In practical terms, this means that all disputes and issues arising from elections are decided swiftly and decisively. For example, former President Jair Bolsonaro (2019-2023), sometimes called “The Trump of the Tropics,” was convicted of abuse of political power and misuse of government communication channels (sound familiar?) and is now banned from running for office until 2030. (I wish that sounded familiar.)
Speaking of elections, voting is mandatory. If you do not vote, a penalty is assessed on your income tax. In practical terms, this means that about 80% of Brazilians voted in the last presidential election, compared to just over 60% in 2024. Considering that the difference between Trump and Harris was a point and a half, this could have made all the difference between the chaos of today and the relative sanity of just a few months ago.
Brazil also elects its president directly. The candidate who wins the popular vote wins the election. Full stop. End of sentence. In our case, this means that George W. Bush and Donald Trump would never have served a first term as president. Imagine the alternate universe we’d be living in if that were the case.
The Brazilian Constitution also goes out of its way to protect the social rights of its citizens, including:
· Right to Health — Universal and free healthcare, access to medicines, and vaccination programs. In other words, they believe healthcare is not just for the privileged and the rich.
· Right to Education — Free public education at primary and secondary levels; compulsory schooling for children aged 4 to 17. Public universities are also free, and the constitution mandates funding for research and technology.
· Right to Housing
· Right to Work and Fair Wages — Minimum wage sufficient to cover basic needs, protections for overtime pay, vacations, maternity/paternity leave, severance, protection against arbitrary dismissal, and the right to unionize and strike.
· Right to Social Security and Welfare — Includes pensions, disability benefits, unemployment insurance, and financial aid for the poor. Elderly and disabled citizens in extreme poverty receive financial assistance.
· Right to Food
· Right to Culture — Supports cultural diversity and protects Indigenous and Afro-Brazilian heritage.
· Right to Leisure — The state must promote sports and recreation as part of quality of life.
· Right to Environmental Protection
· Right to Transport
And if you’re thinking, “The U.S. can’t afford that; it would bankrupt us all,” consider this: Brazil’s economy grew by 3.5% last year, and its budget deficit was just 0.36% of GDP. Meanwhile, the U.S. grew by 2.8%, and its debt was 6.4% of GDP. Perhaps if the U.S. implemented an effective minimum tax on multinationals earning over $140 billion or taxed billionaires at the same rate as secretaries, our budget deficits would be lower, and we could afford a social safety net as robust as Brazil’s.
Another element of the Brazilian Constitution that I admire is its free speech carve-outs. Speech that promotes discrimination based on ethnicity, race, religion, national origin, or sexual orientation is illegal. Fake news that threatens democracy, public health, or election integrity is illegal. Social media platforms can be held liable for spreading misinformation. Publicly insulting or desecrating religious beliefs, symbols, or places of worship is punishable under Brazilian law.
Americans pride themselves on free speech, as we should, but even in our Constitution, it is not an absolute right. If we want to address the destructive effects of misinformation, we should take a close look at Brazil’s laws and recognize the wisdom behind them.
But my favorite example of Brazilian democracy is what they call “democracia da praia” (the democracy of the beach). By law, there is no private ownership of beaches—they belong to the Navy, ensuring that everyone has equal access. Whether in Copacabana, Ipanema, Leblon, or Barra da Tijuca (where we live), the beach is a great social equalizer.
On the same stretch of sand, you might find wealthy executives, residents of favelas, street vendors, tourists, and surfers. People organize themselves not by wealth but by which team they love (Viva Botafogo!), what sports they play (surfing, volleyball, etc.), or which kiosk they like for drinking beer and playing cards. And from what this gringo can tell, everyone wears the same thing—men, regardless of age or body type, wear sungas (Speedos), while women, no matter their age or body type, wear bikinis with minimal fabric. There is democracy in semi-nakedness.
This beach democracy has birthed amazing things, including:
· Frescobol — A fast-paced paddle game where cooperation, not competition, is key.
· Footvolley — Volleyball played with soccer rules, a testament to Brazil’s dominance in the sport.
· Bossa Nova music — Made world-famous by “Garota de Ipanema” (The Girl from Ipanema).
· Havaianas flip-flops — Brazil may not have invented flip-flops, but they perfected them.
· The Brazilian bikini — Originally from France, but perfected on Rio’s beaches.
Compare that to the “democracy” of private beaches—like Mar-a-Lago or Jeffrey Epstein’s island. Whatever music that is created there, it sure isn’t Bossa Nova. It makes you wonder what kind of democracy is being promoted there it sure as hell does not promote harmony and cooperation like Frescobol but turns it into a zero-sum game where the rich win and everyone else suffers. Those private beeches make a mockery of a government for and by the people and it turns into a government bought and paid for by the rich and the powerful. And the only flip-flops created there are coming from ambitious politicians anxious to suck at the teat of power who are there to bend the knee.
Personally, I prefer the democracy of the beach to the democracy of the wealthy, entitled, and powerful. But you be you.
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The Smoking Snake, My Dad, and The Forgotten Lessons of The Greatest Generation
My wife met my father for the first and only time in the last month of his life.
Three months earlier, I had met this gorgeous, smart, funny woman on an eighteen-day cruise up the coast of Brazil, with a transatlantic passage to Africa and Europe, ending in Savona, Italy. We bonded over many things, not the least of which was that we had both been caretakers to our fathers, in the final stages of their lives.
I went back to Brazil a month after we met, to do a gut check on whether this was just a shipboard romance or the honest-to-God, certifiable real thing. Sadly, her father had already passed, and I never got a chance to meet him, but Elaine put her mourning aside and, over the course of the next ten days, gave me a full tour of Rio. We took the cable car to the top of Sugarloaf. We toured the Tijuca Forest. We visited Christ the Redeemer. I saw the sand and decorative elements of Copacabana, Ipanema, and Leblon. I savored feijoada, farofa, pastels de camarão, and Picanha. I drank the coldest (and most delicious) beer I had ever had. It was wonderful and ticked off all the boxes a tourist might have on his checklist for “Cidade Maravilhosa.”
One place that my eventual wife took me, which is not on the normal tourist agenda, was the Monumento Nacional aos Mortos da Segunda Guerra Mundial, Brazil’s memorial to their troops who perished fighting during the Second World War. You may think this an unusual place for a new love to bring another, but Elaine knew me well enough to understand that this was exactly the way to show she understood me.
Elaine knew from our many conversations about our fathers that I was obsessed with my Pops origin story. Born in Vienna in 1925, my dad saw his synagogue burned down two weeks before his bar mitzvah on Kristallnacht. His family managed to escape Austria, arriving in New York Harbor three months after the war began, with no money and no English. By the time he was drafted into the Army five years later, he had completed two years of college. After receiving his commission as a second lieutenant in the artillery, he was sent to Italy as a member of the 88th Infantry Division, where he and his comrades in the Fifth Army fought their way up the boot of Italy until VE Day on May 8, 1945.
He was then, and will always be, my hero.
What I did not know until that day was that among his comrades in the Fifth Army was the FEB (Força Expedicionária Brasileira). They were 25,000 men of mixed race and limited training who wore a shoulder patch depicting a snake smoking a pipe. They adopted this symbol and the motto “A cobra vai fumar” (“The snake will smoke”) because before Brazil joined the Allied forces, there was widespread doubt, both domestically and internationally, about whether the country would actually send troops to fight. A popular saying at the time was, “It’s more likely for a snake to smoke a pipe than for Brazil to go to war.” Despite being poorly equipped and minimally trained, they showed immense bravery and determination during the Gothic Line offensive and the battles of Collecchio, Bologna, and Montese. Four hundred sixty-seven of these soldiers lost their lives fighting totalitarianism and fascism.
The Smoking Snakes were heroes back home. They became known as the “pracinhas” and were given special privileges, including never having to pay taxes. In 1960, forty years before the U.S. began building its World War II memorial, Brazil completed its monument. Located on Guanabara Bay in the Flamengo Park neighborhood, it is a modern structure featuring a below-grade mausoleum that holds the remains of 467 servicemen who were brought home from Italy. They are commemorated by long, low stone peninsulas of simple marble tablets. An adjacent large space has permanent exhibits, films, and documentaries relating to Brazil’s participation in the European Theater including images of personnel and equipment of the era. The memorial is topped by a granite statue by Alfredo Ceschiatti honoring the personnel of all branches of service, and a metal abstract sculpture by Júlio Catelli Filho honoring the Air Force.
A little more than a month later, when Elaine met my father, we told him about our trip to the Brazilian World War II monument. He cocked an eyebrow and, with a wink, said, “Yes, I remember them well. They were very noisy.”
Last Friday, shortly after Trump ambushed Zelensky in the Oval Office, we were driving by the memorial, and I could not help but think about how the current president has ignored history. How appeasement in Europe—in the Sudetenland and in Poland—cost the lives of 70 million people. (That is more people than live in 95% of the countries in the world.) He seems to have never learned that the only way to deal with a bully like Putin is to punch him in the nose, and if he gets back up, you hit him in the nose again until he decides that bloody noses are not in his best interest.
That was the lesson the Greatest Generation taught us. It was the reason they created NATO: to ensure that aggression toward any of its members would be met with force, quickly and aggressively. And it kept the peace in Europe for eighty years: the longest period of peace on the continent since the time of Christ.
But what bothers me the most is that the sacrifices the Greatest Generation made for us, whether in the U.S. or in Brazil, are being washed away by a man who cares little for what they gave up to create a better world and is only concerned with the amount of money and personal power he can claim while being President of the United States.
I mourn for the Republican Party which used to understand the cost of freedom is vigilance against totalitarianism and authoritarianism. Today, they have devolved into the party of sycophants, conspiracy theorists, opportunists and profiteers.
I grieve for my dad and the Greatest Generation. I only find solace in the fact that most of them are dead, so they cannot see how badly we have fucked things up.
Jardim Itanhangá, Carnival and Washington DC

We live in a quiet neighborhood of Rio de Janeiro, nestled in the shadow of Pedra da Gávea—the world’s tallest coastal monolith (2,769 feet)—and a cone-shaped granite dome (whose name I don’t know and, apparently, neither does anyone around here. I have asked.). The neighborhood, Jardim Itanhangá, translates roughly to “Garden of the Stone,” and its streets and homes are graced with stunning foliage, from golden acacias to orchids of every variety, from Emperor’s Scepters to Bismarck Palms. I could go on, but imagine a tropical forest, and you’ll get the idea.
Its fauna is just as diverse. Instead of squirrels, we have tamarin monkeys (an improvement), big-eared opossums (definitely uglier), hummingbirds, parakeets, egrets, bem-te-vis, and even the occasional capybara.
Needless to say, my usual 2.5-mile trek through the neighborhood is always scenic, interesting, and filled with the constant sense that I’ll discover something new around every bend.
This was never truer than yesterday.
Around mile two of my walk, directly adjacent to a trail leading up to Pedra da Gávea and near a playground for neighborhood children, sits the Wiz Mart. It’s a tiny, overly air-conditioned, self-serve market (a lifesaver for those moments when you realize you’re out of something but can’t summon the energy to trek to a store miles away). It carries everything from cleaning supplies to snacks, frozen dinners to ice cream, beer to Powerade. I stop there almost every day for a sports drink—and, if it’s particularly hot, an ice cream bar.
Yesterday, as I approached this little oasis, I was surprised to see two women emerging in full Carnival attire. One was dressed as an indigenous figure, wearing a thong, headress and a bikini-style top. The other was a samba dancer, complete with dazzling plumage and glittering—if not exactly modest—clothing.
While not entirely unexpected (a Carnival party was happening down the street), it was a noticeable departure from the usual neighborhood wildlife. And it made me realize something: despite having visited Brazil for thirteen years, being married to a Brazilian beauty for twelve, and having watched countless films depicting Carnival, I had no real understanding of what it was—beyond a massive party leading up to Lent. (And, if I’m being totally honest, due to my Hebraic heritage, my grasp of Lent is pretty rudimentary.)
So, I decided to educate myself.
According to my most reliable source, my wife, the predecessor to Carnival was a festival called Entrudo, which may have roots in the Roman festival Lupercalia, a mid-February fertility celebration involving masks, rituals, and street festivities. In Portugal, Entrudo was marked by rowdy street parties where people gleefully hurled water, flour, mud, and citrus fruits at each other. When the Portuguese colonized Brazil, they brought the festival with them, and it became particularly popular in Rio, Recife and Salvador. There, it evolved. The wealthy organized masked balls, while the lower classes continued the tradition of messy street battles. Over time, Entrudo blended with African and Indigenous cultural elements, incorporating new rhythms, dances, and instruments—eventually becoming what we now know as Carnival.
I also learned that Carnival’s meaning is derived from the phrase “without meat,” a reference to the fasting associated with Lent. The excesses of the celebration not only highlight the fleeting nature of worldly pleasures but also serve as a release of inhibitions before entering a more introspective and devout Lenten period. The masks, disguises, and costumes allow people to shed their social identities and embrace the personas they feel truly represent them.
Finally, Carnival is a time when rich and poor, young and old, Black, brown, or white, all come together. It aspires to create a sense of unity before the personal journey of Lent. It encourages forgiveness and reconciliation before entering a period of self-reflection.
All this learning made me think: Perhaps the time has come to bring Carnival to Washington, D.C.
It might serve as a reminder to those in our nation’s capital that the world is progressive in nature. Nothing stands still. What began as a Roman fertility festival, then transformed into a mud-rowing party, has evolved into a grand celebration that ultimately reflects Christianity’s most profound meaning.
It might remind those who have forgotten the fundamental promise of our country: E Pluribus Unum—Out of many, one. Just as Carnival arose from European, African, and Indigenous traditions, the United States is strongest when it embraces all of its citizens. Carnival would not be the vibrant, joyous event it is without the contributions of different cultures. Similarly, the United States would not be the nation it is without the diverse communities that have made it their home.
Carnival is not about the rich or the poor. It is about connection. It unites people across socioeconomic lines. Our nation was founded as a democracy, not an oligarchy, where the poor and middle class are just as vital to our success as the wealthy, the powerful and elite.
Finally, it would serve as a constant reminder to the current occupant of the White House that forgiveness, reconciliation, and reflection are far more important than personal grudges, vendettas, or the pursuit of power
There is one downside to all of this. By tradition in Rio, the keys of the city are turned over to “King Momo” on Friday morning and serves as the King of Carnival until its conclusion on Tuesday night. By tradition, King Momo is tall and fat. Need I say more. We already have a tall, fat man who thinks he is King.
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The Tijuca Forest, Climate Change and Pissing in A Stream

Baby, It’s Hot Outside
How hot? The cisterns that hold our water are located in the eaves of our attic, providing additional water pressure for the home. In the three weeks we have been here, we have never had to turn on our hot water heater to shower. The water that comes out of the tap is warm enough on its own.
There is no doubt in the minds of most Cariocas (Rio de Janeirians) that this is due to global climate change. I would argue that they probably understand it better than most.
All they need to do is look southwest to the Pantanal, the largest tropical wetland and flooded grassland in the world. It provides essential sanctuaries for migratory birds, critical nursery grounds for aquatic life, and refuges for creatures such as the yacare caiman and deer. But it is under threat. Climate change has dropped water levels to nearly half of what they were 20 years ago. Commercial exploitation—through fishing, cattle ranching, pollution, and deforestation—has contributed to the destruction of what was once one of the world’s most pristine ecosystems.
And then, there is the Amazon. The lungs of the world have emphysema. Over the last twenty years, more than 186,000 square kilometers of the Amazon have been deforested. To put that in perspective, that is larger than two-thirds of the countries in the UN—or imagine the entire state of Oregon stripped of trees in a single generation. The Amazon helps absorb the world’s CO₂ emissions. Less forest means more CO₂, which means higher temperatures worldwide. It affects regional and global rainfall patterns, decreases biodiversity, hinders medical research, and leads to the destruction of indigenous peoples’ habitats.
But honestly, Cariocas don’t need to look beyond their own city to understand climate change. In the late 18th and early 19th centuries, the jungle in the hills of Rio was systematically harvested for building materials, firewood, coffee plantations, and livestock grazing. The streams that fed the forest were a major source of water for the city, but without the forest, there was nothing to hold the streams back. When it rained, there were flash floods and landslides. When there was no rain, there was no water, and the tropical city went thirsty.
In 1861, recognizing the problem, Emperor Pedro II placed the land under federal control and initiated efforts to restore the forest over the now-barren slopes and abandoned fields. The replanting was carried out by six enslaved people—Elueuteiro, Constantino, Manuel, Mateus, and Maria. Over the next 16 years, they planted over 100,000 trees. Today, the Tijuca National Forest, covering nearly 4,000 hectares, is the largest urban forest in the world and a UNESCO World Heritage Site.
As I walk around our neighborhood in the near-100-degree heat, looking at the forest that surrounds us, I can’t help but think about the lessons we should have learned.
Left unconstrained, individuals and corporations will exploit and destroy the environment to enrich themselves, with no regard for the consequences. It is an immutable law—no industry has ever self-regulated in favor of the greater public good. As Teddy Roosevelt (back when Republicans were the progressives) once said:
“Defenders of the short-sighted men who, in their greed and selfishness, will, if permitted, rob our country of half its charm by their reckless extermination of all useful and beautiful wild things, sometimes seek to champion them by saying the ‘game belongs to the people.’ So it does; and not merely to the people now alive, but to the unborn people.”
Teddy believed, as did Pedro II, as do I, that government must play an active role in protecting the environment—not just for us, but for the generations to come. This includes supporting global agreements such as the Paris Climate Accords and the Rio Earth Summit. It means investing in clean energy initiatives like solar, wind, and nuclear power and setting environmental goals for emission standards in transportation and industry.
What it certainly does not mean is denial.
I cannot deny walking around our neighborhood in the early afternoon, in 100-degree heat, downing a liter and a half of water. And the government should not be denying climate change, as the Trump administration has done—by denying farmers access to climate data, withdrawing from the Paris Accords, rolling back renewable energy support, slashing budgets for climate research, and reducing environmental protections.
Many years ago, I was walking through a forest in the Tel Dan Nature Reserve in Northern Israel with my father and a guide. It is a beautiful place, full of streams and springs, one of the major sources of the River Jordan. At one point, we came across a little boy—no more than seven or eight years old—who was joyfully peeing into one of the streams. Our guide said to him,
“Don’t you know that if you piss in the water, it will come out of your tap in Tel Aviv?”
Without missing a beat, the boy replied,
“That’s okay. I live in Jerusalem.”
Beyond being a wonderful story about the inbred chutzpah of Israelis, it is also a powerful metaphor. Children do not understand the consequences of their actions. It is up to adults to teach them that when you piss in a shared resource, you foul it for everyone.
The Trump administration needs to understand that denying climate change, silencing discussions about it, or refusing to participate in global solutions does not alter reality. All it means is that we continue to piss into the springs we all drink from
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Tagged biodiversity, climate-change, deforestation, environment, sustainability
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Salvador, A First Date, Michael Jackson and Brazil’s History of Slavery

Brazil’s history with slavery is shameful.
Brazil imported more than 4.8 million Africans as slaves—almost eleven times more than the American colonies and the U.S. during its own shameful past. Even more shocking is that 50% of those who arrived in bondage in Brazil died within five years of their arrival. That is mass murder, a holocaust by any definition.
I first learned of Brazil’s ugly past with slavery on my first date with my wife.
We had met the night before when we became dinner companions on the cruise ship where we were both traveling. She was radiant, beautiful, and had a delightful Brazilian accent. How could I say no when, after finding out that I had never been to Salvador, she volunteered to be my tour guide?
If you don’t know Salvador (saw-va-DOH), it was the colonial capital of Brazil and the heart of its slave trade. When you arrive in the upper city and the neighborhood of Pelourinho (it means whipping post in Portuguese) , it looks like a movie set depicting the Brazilian colonial era. The Baroque and Rococo architecture features pastel-colored buildings adorned with decorative tiles, ornate balconies, and grand wooden doors. You are greeted by Black women wearing Traje de Baiana (Bahiana attire)—long, flowing, multi-layered, petticoated dresses with intricately patterned lace blouses, shawls, and head wraps made of patterned fabrics. Their beaded necklaces provide percussion as they move to a beat only they can hear.
I am enchanted.
As we make our way to the Igreja de São Francisco (The Church of Saint Francis), we come across a group of people watching a troop of shirtless teenagers in white baggy pants demonstrating Capoeira. I had heard of this mix of martial arts, dance, and music before but had never seen it performed live. Elaine tells me that this is uniquely Brazilian, created by the enslaved Africans brought to Brazil as a means of self-defense. Their movements are mesmerizing, and we watch and applaud as they demonstrate their skills.
Just before we reach the church, we stop before a statue of a shirtless Black man standing on one foot, holding a large spear, gazing into the distance. His face is proud and defiant. Elaine tells me this is Zumbi dos Palmares, King of the Slaves. An escaped slave, he was the leader of the largest quilombo—a settlement of escaped slaves—in northern Brazil. He fiercely fought the Portuguese and their efforts to subjugate the quilombo until his death in 1695. He is celebrated for his resistance and remembered every year on November 20, Dia da Consciência Negra (Black Consciousness Day).
I am dumbfounded. Not because there is a statue honoring this man, but because I know that the history of enslavement in the U.S. is largely glossed over in most school curriculums. There are still those who believe slavery was relatively benign and that those who were enslaved actually benefited from their enslavement.
I need to make an admission here. I do not care much for churches. As a Jew, they make me feel uncomfortable and a bit paranoid. I wonder whether I will be found out by the parishioners and tossed out on my ear for being a heathen, or whether a bolt of lightning will come from the heavens for failing to accept Jesus as my savior. That said, the Igreja de São Francisco is amazing. From the decorative tiles in its courtyard to its gold-leaf interior with elaborate wood carvings, you can sense that those who built the church were celebrating their God with all the skills they possessed.
As we leave the church, we are confronted by a beggar. He is in a wheelchair, and his legs and arms appear to have been put on backwards. It is disturbing—horrifying, really. It is a punch-in-the-nose reminder of the abject poverty some suffer here, and I cannot get a 20-real note out of my pocket fast enough.
We eventually make our way to the Mercado Modelo and find a table at an outside café, ordering some of the coldest beer I have ever had. It goes down way too easily, so I have another, and Elaine orders us some pastéis de camarão, the Brazilian version of empanadas. As we eat and drink, we are entertained by a series of performers, including samba dancers, Axé, and samba-reggae musicians. When I mention to Elaine how much I enjoy the entertainment, she tells me that the Afro-Brazilian heritage in music and dance is one of the reasons Michael Jackson came to Salvador to film the music video for “They Don’t Care About Us.”
I know the song. It is an anthem about racism:
All I want to say is that they don’t really care about us
Don’t worry what people say, we know the truth
All I want to say is that they don’t really care about us
Enough is enough of this garbage
All I want to say is that they don’t really care about us
Skinhead, deadhead Everybody gone bad
Situation aggravation Everybody, allegation
In the suite on the news Everybody, dog food
Bang-bang, shock dead Everybody’s gone mad
I ask, “Why do you think he came here to film the video?”
She tells me she believes he came here for three reasons: first, because of the rich musical tradition of this place and the beat he was trying to create, and second, because of the racism that still exists in Brazil and finally because the only country in the world with a more shameful history of enslavement than the US is Brazil. She explains that even though over fifty percent of the Brazilian population identifies as Black or “pardo” (mixed race), racial prejudice is very much alive in Brazil. She tells me that Michael is a legend in the favelas, there is even a statue of him in Dona Marta favella, because he came here to shine a light on the prejudice and poverty they suffer through every day.
I think about that day a lot these days, especially since Trump and his supporters have launched a war on DEI. Brazil, a country where more than half of the population is at least partially of African heritage, recognizes that it has a race problem. They have enacted specific policies such as:
- Law 14,553/2023, amending the Brazilian Statute of Racial Equality, which mandates that employers include fields for employees to self-identify their racial or ethnic backgrounds in administrative documents.
- Affirmative action policies such as income- and race-based quotas in federal universities since 2012, improving access to higher education for underrepresented groups and leading to enhanced labor market prospects.
- The Ministry of Racial Equality, reestablished in 2023, is dedicated to promoting racial equality and combating discrimination.
You cannot fix a problem until you acknowledge you have one. And you have to be blind not to see the racial problem we have in the U.S. Brazil still has a long way to go but at least they understand they have a problem.
This is a long way to say:
- Diversity is not a swear word. It means giving ourselves the opportunity to see the world from multiple perspectives. Perspective is the key to seeing the whole picture, not just a single frame.
- Equity means providing people with a level playing field. Fair play is at the center of our culture. When there is inequity, fair play does not exist, and we fail as a society.
- Inclusion means feeling as if you belong. Many of us have felt like outsiders looking in at one time or another. It is a lonely feeling. Making someone feel welcome is an obligation we have as a society. Understanding how some may not feel included is called kindness, and it is not a sin.
The Shining Light On The Hill

Not far from where we live is the neighborhood of Rocinha.
We pass by it—really, through it—every time we travel from our home in Barra da Tijuca to Leblon, Ipanema, or Copacabana. Perched on a sheer mountainside, it commands breathtaking views of the beach and the ocean beyond. At night, it is literally a shining light on the hill.
If this were any other city in the world, the homes here would be among the most expensive.
But this is Rio Instead of luxury living, Rocinha is the city’s largest favela, home to upwards of 200,000 people crammed into just 0.86 square kilometers (0.33 square miles)—a population density nearly five times that of Mumbai.
Favelas are institutionalized slums that emerged when Black, Brown, and Indigenous people left their slavery adjacent jobs in rural areas in search of a better life in urban centers like São Paulo and Rio de Janeiro. Unable to find affordable housing on their less than subsistence wages, they “squatted” on unoccupied land. In Rocinha’s case, that land was a former coffee plantation worked by sharecroppers. They built their own homes—first shanties, which over time evolved into brick structures, often stacked on top of one another, some reaching three stories high. They developed their own infrastructure, frequently tapping into electricity, water, sanitation, and cable services illegally.
You might think the city would have objected to this land occupation. After all, the land was owned. But the authorities either turned a blind eye or didn’t object too loudly. It solved a problem for them. If the poor had somewhere to live, the government didn’t have to invest in housing. A policy of benign neglect took root.
To those who champion unrestrained capitalism and minimal government intervention, this may seem like a perfect solution. The government spent nothing—no reals, no taxpayer funds—while simultaneously creating a permanent underclass to serve the more fortunate.
As anyone who has seen Cidade de Deus (City of God) knows, such neglect has dire consequences. Nature abhors a vacuum. Where there are no rules, people create their own—or, more accurately, the powerful impose their own rules on the powerless.
In the favelas, drug traffickers and militias filled the void. They established their own communities governed by rules outside Brazil’s legal system. Those living in favelas must pledge absolute loyalty to the criminal and paramilitary organizations that control them. In return for their obedience, residents receive protection and occasional rewards. This system, known as narco-populism, sees traffickers providing food, medicine, and cash to struggling families. In many cases, they were more effective than the Bolsonaro government in distributing aid, enforcing quarantines, and providing medicine during the pandemic. They fund community events and enforce a strict code of conduct, punishing petty crimes like theft and assault with severe punishments for the violators.
Police rarely enter the favelas—it’s simply too dangerous. At the first sign of an approaching patrol, lookouts launch fireworks, alerting the entire neighborhood. Armed enforcers prepare for battle, often leading to bloody shootouts that leave scores of residents and police dead.
No wonder many police officers find it heathier and if we are being honest, far more lucrative to stay out.
The result of this cycle is captured in the phrase “Nascer no morro, morrer no morro.” Born on the hill, die on the hill. In other words, those born in the favelas rarely escape the institutional poverty that traps them. They are condemned to a life of servitude, working for the middle and upper classes as maids, laborers, street vendors, or drug mules.
In the United States, we are taught that if you work hard, play by the rules, and use your intelligence, you can achieve anything. The American Dream promises that anyone can rise from poverty to wealth in a single generation.
But that dream crumbles in the face of institutional poverty. And the surest way to create a permanent underclass is by dismantling programs that protect the financially marginalized programs the Trump administration is determined to destroy.
Eliminating the Department of Education and diverting public school funds to private vouchers leaves marginalized communities without the resources necessary to educate their children. Cutting welfare pushes desperate families toward survival strategies that criminal organizations can exploit. Slashing Medicaid would not only lead to higher rates of disease and death but also create yet another opportunity for drug cartels and other predators to take advantage of those least able to defend themselves by providing health services the government declines to provide and generate a market for social media cures that generate even greater problems. .
I could go on, but you get the point. Gutting social welfare programs may save a few dollars in the short term, but the long-term consequences will be catastrophic. If you want proof, just look at Rocinha. Then ask yourself: What do we want to be? The shining light on the hill that is Rocinha or the vision John Winthrop and John Kennedy had for America.
Posted in DEI, institutional poverty, rocinha, Trump cuts
Tagged DEI, rocinha, trump social cuts
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Brazil, Free Speech and The Rabbi’s Lesson

You may remember the kerfuffle X got into with Brazil last summer. For a few months, the social media platform was banned from doing business in the country. At the time, the disingenuous right claimed that Brazil’s actions were an affront to free speech—that people’s rights were being trampled on and that Brazil was not a true democracy.
As with so many arguments from Trump and his acolytes, this could not be further from the truth. In fact, what Brazil did was a protection of free speech. Let me go a step further: the current laws in the United States actually contradict the very concept of free speech. Let me explain.
The Brazilian constitution enshrines and celebrates free speech, particularly after decades of dictatorship. The framers of their constitution wanted to ensure that dissent was protected. However, as in the United States, the right to free speech is not absolute. Brazil specifically excludes hate speech, racism, discrimination, and the deliberate spread of fake news. Their laws also prescribe penalties for slander, defamation, and incitement to crime. When Twitter (now X) refused to comply with these regulations, it was shut down until it agreed to pay a large fine and establish in-country accountability for its actions.
The U.S. Constitution enshrines free speech in the First Amendment, but, as in Brazil, this right is not absolute. You cannot yell “fire” in a crowded theater. You cannot commit slander or libel. You cannot incite a riot. Civil and criminal laws ensure that those who cross the line are held accountable, providing the state and private citizens with remedies for protection. Media companies that violate these protections can be sued—just ask Fox News about their $787 million settlement with Dominion Voting Systems.
These U.S. laws that protect against slander and libel safeguard free speech by ensuring that what is said is truthful and decent, preventing individuals and companies from spreading spurious and hateful lies that cause harm—just as the Brazilian constitution does with its carve-outs.
Unfortunately for those of us in the U.S., we have Section 230 of the Communications Decency Act. This provision states that “No provider or user of an interactive computer service shall be treated as the publisher or speaker of any information provided by another information content provider.” In practice, this means that social media companies cannot be sued in the same way traditional publishers can, even if they disseminate libelous content. Ironically, this section of the law undermines decency and contradicts the ideals of free speech.
There is an old Jewish parable that illustrates why this is so dangerous.
A troubled congregant once approached their rabbi and confessed to having spoken ill of someone in their community, spreading harmful rumors and gossip. They now deeply regretted their actions and asked how they could make amends.
The rabbi instructed them to take a feather pillow to the top of a hill, cut it open, and release the feathers into the wind. Confused but eager to make amends, the parishioner followed the rabbi’s instructions and watched as the wind carried the feathers far and wide.
When they returned, feeling relieved, the rabbi gave them a second instruction: “Now, go and collect every single feather.”
The parishioner was distraught. “But that’s impossible! The wind has carried them all away!”
“Exactly,” said the rabbi. “Just as it is impossible to gather every feather, it is impossible to take back every word of gossip. Once spoken, words spread beyond our control, affecting people in ways we may never see.”
There is no metaphorical wind that spreads misinformation faster than social media platforms. There is no greater threat to free speech than the immunity that Section 230 provides them. In an era of AI, deepfakes, and malicious actors who manipulate the system for their own gain, it is time for social media companies to follow the same laws that govern every other media company and individual in the country.
One final note: Jair Bolsonaro, the former president of Brazil—often referred to as the Trump of the Tropics—has been banned from holding office because Brazil’s courts found that he convened a meeting with foreign ambassadors in which he made unfounded claims about the integrity of Brazil’s electronic voting system.
Just imagine how much better off we would be if we had the same laws as Brazil.
Posted in Fake News, Social Media
Tagged censorship, first-amendment, free-speech, news, politics
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