
On Friday, September 14, 2001, President George W. Bush, dressed in a windbreaker and casual slacks, climbed onto the pile at Ground Zero. With a bullhorn in hand and his other hand on retired firefighter Bob Beckwith’s shoulder, he addressed the hundreds of volunteers who had been relentlessly sifting through rubble and debris for survivors. “I can hear you,” he said. “The rest of the world hears you. And the people who knocked these buildings down will hear all of us soon.”
We were angry. We were hurt. We were grieving.
He made us feel seen, heard, and understood. It didn’t heal the gaping wound. Not even close. But by acknowledging us, he was fulfilling one of the most fundamental roles of a head of state: healer-in-chief. He gave us a glimmer of hope that we would somehow make it through and that we would exact revenge on the bastards who had shattered our buildings and our world.
He didn’t blame his predecessor. He didn’t make it about himself. He didn’t turn the moment into an attack on Democrats. He was speaking to all of America, not to a single faction that likes to wear red hats and demean people because of whom they love, the god they worship, or how they identify.
After leaving the pile, he moved on to the Javits Center, where he met with family members of roughly 200 missing police officers and firefighters. He didn’t address them all at once. He didn’t invite the press. He met with them one-on-one and listened to their stories about their loved ones.
We didn’t hear what he said to those families. We never saw it. We didn’t have to. What he did spoke for itself. It helped us heal because we knew the person leading us was comforting those who needed it most.
Perhaps this is where I should point out that George W. Bush was never my guy. He was just a nepo-baby frat boy who had the great good fortune of birth. His flannel-shirt brand of supply-side economics—where a tax cut is a sacrament rather than a subtraction, and revenue forgone at the top supposedly trickles down through the strata like grace through a cathedral, arriving at last upon the head of the wage earner, who is assured that his own bill will come due in some other administration—was bullshit. And don’t even get me started on the two generational wars he launched.
But that day, he was our president, standing alongside us, and we were in it together.
For one terrible day, politics receded. He spoke to us as one country.
E pluribus unum.
Which raises the question: what would the current occupant of the bedazzled Oval Office do, given an equally horrifying set of circumstances?
We don’t need to look any further than his behavior on 9/11 for the answer.
On that day, he gave a phone interview to WWOR-TV. In it, he said he believed 25,000 to 35,000 people were dead, then quickly moved on to the news that his building at 40 Wall Street was now the tallest in lower Manhattan. It was a callous, self-serving interview. Don’t believe me? Listen for yourself: https://youtu.be/PcKlPhFIE7w
On subsequent occasions, he has claimed he sent construction workers to help with the recovery effort. The problem is that investigators have never been able to corroborate it. Richard Alles, an FDNY battalion chief who supervised operations there, said a crew of 100 Trump workers would have been operating under official supervision and “there would be a record of it.” He knew of no such crew. Others deeply involved in the construction and recovery operation likewise said they knew of no Trump-organized workforce.
Trump publicly pledged money to 9/11 relief, but investigators have found no record that he made a charitable donation in the aftermath of the attacks. Fifteen years later, while running for president, his foundation donated $100,000 to the 9/11 Museum. Yes—the Donald J. Trump Foundation, the same foundation that was later forced to dissolve in New York.
His most recent claim is that two firefighters carried him to safety when a building was in danger of collapsing. It was such an obvious lie that every major news outlet in the country was calling bullshit practically as it left his mouth.
And that isn’t even his most memorable lie about 9/11.
No. There is no credible evidence for his claim that he watched “thousands and thousands” of Muslims in Jersey City cheering on television as the World Trade Center collapsed.
None of these lies is particularly shocking, considering who we’re dealing with.
Trump lies as easily as the rest of us breathe. But the lies all serve the same purpose: to promote himself in some way, to make himself feel a little better about being the damaged person he is.
But that is not what really bothers me.
What makes my blood pressure soar, my pupils dilate, and spittle fly from my mouth when I speak is the stolen valor.
2,977 people died in the attacks that day, 2,753 of them at the World Trade Center.
403 first responders died trying to save them: 343 FDNY firefighters, 37 Port Authority police officers, and 23 NYPD officers.
Roughly 91,000 people gave up their time, their health, and pieces of their peace of mind to work at Ground Zero.
Since then:
- More than 600 FDNY rescue and recovery workers have died of World Trade Center–related illnesses.
- More than 12,000 FDNY members have been certified with at least one 9/11-related physical or mental condition; nearly 5,000 have had some form of cancer.
- More than 9,000 people have died of 9/11-related causes.
- The September 11 Victim Compensation Fund has recorded 5,892 responders, area residents, and workers who died of cancers attributed to the toxic air.
- As of June 30, 2026, 145,275 responders and survivors were enrolled in the World Trade Center Health Program. An estimated 400,000 people were exposed to toxins in and around lower Manhattan.
All of these people sacrificed because of 9/11. They didn’t do it for money or fame. They did it because something deep in their souls told them they had to.
Donald Trump, who could have given more and done more than almost anyone else in the country, gave nothing. Then he spent the next twenty-five years helping himself to their courage. It’s the only kind he’s ever had.
We shouldn’t forget his cowardice and his puddle-deep character tomorrow. Or ever.
But tomorrow isn’t about him. Tomorrow we remember those who died that day, those who gave their lives searching for survivors and then for their fellow citizens’ remains, and all those who gave up something of themselves because of that day—and are still giving it up, twenty-five years on.
A moment of silence is not enough. Sixty seconds is free, and these people gave everything. Go out of your way to be kind tomorrow. Do something for someone who can’t pay you back. That’s what they did. There is no better tribute.
















Not America’s Mayor
On September 11, 2001, Rudy Giuliani was not America’s Mayor.
He was my mayor.
My city had just been attacked. Thousands of people were missing. Lower Manhattan was burning. Two buildings that had defined the New York skyline for most of my life were simply gone.
Nobody knew what was coming next.
And there was Rudy.
He was walking the streets. He was talking to reporters. He was answering questions when there really were no answers to give.
Most importantly, he seemed to understand what New Yorkers needed from our mayor that day.
He did not sugarcoat what had happened.
“The number of casualties will be more than any of us can bear ultimately.”
It was a brutal sentence. But it was an honest one.
And then he gave us something else.
“We’re going to rebuild…. The City of New York will be whole again.”
That mattered.
In those first terrible hours, when the entire world seemed to have tilted off its axis, Rudy Giuliani made us feel heard. He made us feel seen. He gave voice to our grief and, somehow, managed to reassure us that New York would survive.
He was our mayor.
America was watching, too.
Soon the rest of the country adopted him. The press called him “America’s Mayor.” He was universally praised, admired and, for a time, almost canonized. There was even talk of suspending New York’s term-limit rules so he could remain in office.
I understood it.
I felt it.
But twenty-five years later, I also understand something else.
The person we saw that day was an overproduced reality star. Not the real man.
There were things about Rudy Giuliani we either did not know, did not understand or, in the fog of grief surrounding 9/11, simply were not prepared to examine.
And some of them should have mattered enormously.
Start with the decision to locate New York City’s Emergency Operations Center in 7 World Trade Center.
Think about that.
Eight years earlier, terrorists had detonated a bomb beneath the North Tower hoping to bring it down. Six people were killed and more than 1,000 injured.
The World Trade Center was not some theoretical target.
It had already been attacked.
Yet Giuliani’s administration placed the city’s emergency command center right there.
Apparently, once was not sufficient warning.
Worse, the city did not have a fully established backup command center ready to take over if the World Trade Center complex was attacked again.
As one 9/11 commissioner later asked:
“Why put it in one of the most likely places where people are going to come back and hit us again and where it could be knocked out and not help us save lives?”
Good question.
Then there were the radios.
The 1993 bombing had exposed serious problems with FDNY radio communications inside skyscrapers. In 1994, Giuliani’s first year as mayor, another report warned about those deficiencies.
Seven years passed.
Replacement radios did not reach firefighters until the spring of 2001. They were purchased through a noncompetitive procurement process, were inadequately tested in the configuration firefighters received and failed so badly that the FDNY withdrew them from service.
So on September 11, firefighters entered the World Trade Center carrying the old radios.
Communications failed.
Evacuation orders did not reach everyone.
Three hundred forty-three members of the FDNY died that day, leaving roughly 250 widows and more than 600 children without their fathers.
It would be unfair to claim that Giuliani personally caused those deaths. It is not unfair to ask why a problem his administration had known about for years remained unresolved when those firefighters needed reliable communications most.
But that was not a question many of us were asking on September 11.
I certainly wasn’t.
That day Rudy was my mayor.
And my mayor was standing in the street telling me that my city would survive.
Maybe that is why what came later feels so jarring.
Maya Angelou famously said, “When people show you who they are, believe them the first time.”
Perhaps Rudy had already shown us.
We just weren’t ready to see it.
Time has a way of clearing away the smoke.
And over the decades, another Rudy Giuliani emerged—or perhaps the same Rudy became easier to recognize.
There was Bernard Kerik, Giuliani’s longtime associate whom he enthusiastically recommended to become Secretary of Homeland Security before Kerik’s nomination collapsed amid ethics and financial scandals.
Apparently, vetting was optional.
There were the city security expenses associated with Giuliani’s travel while he was conducting an extramarital affair, expenses initially billed through obscure municipal agencies.
Nothing says romance quite like creative municipal accounting.
Then came Donald Trump.
As Trump’s lawyer, Giuliani helped conduct the pressure campaign seeking Ukrainian investigations of Joe and Hunter Biden that contributed to Trump’s first impeachment.
After the 2020 presidential election, he became one of the loudest promoters of the false claim that widespread fraud had stolen the election from Trump.
Two Georgia election workers, Ruby Freeman and Shaye Moss, paid an extraordinary price for those lies. Giuliani falsely accused them of election fraud. A federal jury eventually awarded them $148 million.
Defamation, it turns out, can be expensive.
Giuliani subsequently filed for bankruptcy. The case was later dismissed amid criticism of his failure to provide required financial information.
In 2024, New York disbarred him for repeatedly and intentionally making false statements about the 2020 election.
Quite an ending for a man who built his national reputation prosecuting other people for dishonesty.
He was indicted in Georgia’s election-interference case, although those charges were ultimately dismissed without a finding of guilt.
He was indicted in Arizona over the alternate-elector effort, although that case was dismissed in 2026 without prejudice.
A former employee, Noelle Dunphy, has accused him of sexual assault, harassment and wage theft—allegations Giuliani denies and which have not been adjudicated.
Still wondering about America’s Mayor?
Consider what the New York Appellate Division said when it disbarred him.
The judges found that Giuliani’s “16 acts of falsehoods … were deliberate and constituted a transparent pattern of conduct intended and designed to deceive.”
They said he “told numerous lies in the numerous forums all designed to create distrust of the elective system of our country.”
They concluded that he had “baselessly attacked and undermined the integrity of this country’s electoral process.”
And they said he had “actively contributed to the national strife that has followed the 2020 presidential election, for which he is entirely unrepentant.”
Those words are difficult to reconcile with the man many of us thought we saw walking through lower Manhattan on September 11.
But maybe that is the point.
Al-Qaeda’s purpose on 9/11 was not simply to murder Americans. It wanted to provoke the United States, destabilize us and deepen the divisions within our society.
On that horrible day, Rudy Giuliani seemed to represent the opposite.
To me, he was the mayor telling frightened New Yorkers that we were still a city.
That we would bury our dead.
That we would rebuild.
That we would endure.
For a while, America looked at what we saw and gave him a title: America’s Mayor.
On September 11, 2026, Rudy Giuliani is the abject lesson in all that we have not learned from that day.
Twenty-five years ago, we watched him stand amid the wreckage and tell us that New York would survive. We believed him. More than that, we believed in him.
For a moment, he seemed to represent the best of us: resolve without bravado, grief without surrender, leadership when leadership mattered.
Time has revealed something very different.
The man who once seemed to embody our determination to come together would spend much of the next quarter-century helping pull us apart—spreading lies, attacking our institutions and feeding the distrust that now infects so much of American life.
Perhaps that is one of the lessons we should have learned from September 11.
Before we decide to give someone such a vainglorious title we should ask a few more questions and see what lies beyond the media hype and beneath the bronzer.
We should not confuse performance with character.
In our grief and horror we mistook the man we needed that day for the man he actually was.
Twenty-five years later, the smoke has long since cleared.
Perhaps next time we will let it clear before we start casting statues…or building triumphant arches.
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